The study investigated the environment surrounding refugees’ access to humanitarian assistance which tends to suffocate the spirit of the Uganda Refugee Act of 2006 under Article 30 which allows freedom of movement for refugees in the country.
Economics and Politics
Political economy is the study of production and trade and their relations with law, custom and government; and with the distribution of national income and wealth.
This book presents an examination on the significance of the political elites’ role in the expansion of ethnic politics to the periphery state of Sabah in Malaysia. Ethnicity in Sabah for generations did not have the significance that it held in the peninsular states, where colonial and post-colonial policies entrenched a sense of indigenous claims by the Malays against other ethnic communities of Chinese and Indians. In Sabah, especially before the Federation of Malaysia, social identity focused more on smaller social groups who needed to find non-ethnic basis for political solidarity rather than construct ethnic differences. Nevertheless, after decades in the federation of Malaysia the political solidarity in this territory became more focused on what Tajfel and Turner (1979) calls ‘us’ versus ‘them’, an activity of constructing and reconstructing ethnic difference as in West Malaysia. The study in which this book is based is explores and explains the reason why ethnic hostilities have more recently become a marker of political activities in Sabah.
Distorted market competition poses new challenges for business negotiations. It affects the balance of negotiating powers among negotiation participants. Such situations often result in negative consequences for both buyers and sellers. As a result, it opens additional opportunities for international business, because of the emergence of other market participants in the relevant markets, which can provide additional alternatives for both buyers and sellers by reducing the negative impact on the distortion of competition and balancing the negotiating powers of the negotiating parties. The development and implementation of an effective international business negotiation strategy, as well as the assessment of the negotiating powers among negotiating parties and the essential components of their deviation from balance is important for the effective use of the potential of business negotiations — the negotiating power. When solving the scientific problem it is necessary to ensure that its solutions help to consider the balance of negotiating power among negotiation participants, allowing them to achieve the balance and to ensure the most efficiency of the development and implementation of their negotiation strategy.
This fourth part of our study deals with the application of Bantucratique, as a political theory, to a context, namely that of the Congo. Such an application should serve as a model for other African countries which, moreover, are experiencing the same realities. From this point of view, we will start from African generalities, in order to better specify the case of the Congo as such. The ” Congolese nation ” Current maintains the illusion of a unique relationship and a commu direct nication between the E state and the citizen . This direct and interpersonal communication is, in part, a serious departure from the group’s Bantu values. The Congolese citizen, by his direct connection with the State, is not for all that better protected than in a representative system. Moreover, whether for the democratic vote or for the rise of the individual on the national level, this direct connection is obscured in favor of ethnic and family networks. The current Congolese institutional system disarticulates the traditional social organization to make way for a social disorder, a real anarchy where only two values prevail for the appropriation of power, namely the possession of a diploma or, most often, the use of armed force. The current political class has been raised, educated, empowered and maintained by Marxist regimes. A political culture has resulted. Economically, the legacy of thirty years of Marxism is heavy. Morally and culturally prevail general libertinism, easy enrichment, false makeup and empty words. In fact, in the Congo there are several traditional peoples. The current State is presented as a new structure , in competition with centuries- old structures . The respective conceptions of man, of the group and even of the power of this state are often contradictory with those of these structures. As a result, Congolese man is more than ambivalent, forced to navigate between opposing cultures.
In this chapter, the author makes a discussion on the mutual impacts of foreign direct investments (FDIs) from the developed to the developing countries with a specific reference to Tanzania, his home country. He identifies several theoretical mutual FDI impacts between the FDI source countries (predominantly, developed ones) and FDI destinations, especially the developing ones. He then presents several pieces of evidence on the mutual FDI impacts in Tanzania. The impacts include increased government revenues (through tax, royalties, privatization proceedings, licences and fees); increased direct and indirect employment; increased community support projects; increased up-to date and state-of the art technology; improved investment climate; technology transfer; and more market access. Tanzania’s impacts on the FDIs locating in the country include accessibility to markets and resources; investment incentives; profits; royalties; dividends; and employment.
Vilfrendo Pareto describes the excellent distribution of economic resources which simultaneously achieves maximum productive efficiency and social justice. The Constitution of Greece describes the process of compulsory expropriation of property when there is a public need. The compensation criteria for this expropriation do not take into account the positive and negative externalities that the subsequent public project will cause. The consequence of this is the unjust social distribution of economic resources. The aim of this paper is to investigate this weakness of the compensation system that does not meet the criteria for Pareto improvement, while a constitutional analysis of comparative law concerning the provision of property is made. An appendix to the case law of the Greek Court of Audit is provided. The Contingent Valuation Method (CVM) is proposed as the most complete for the experimental assessment of the maximum amount of compensation of owners during the process of forced expropriation through Experimental Economics tools.
Huge assets have been lost by governments and local authorities because of failed public projects. Fundamental inspiration for utilizing PPPs in public projects is their capability to improve value for money (VfM) for shareholders. Principal political contention against PPPs is that privately-owned industries make benefits on public resources. Accompanying chapters present the PPP models, PPP effective experience of chosen nations, and the execution of PPP models in SSA nations in transport and ports, energy, water, health, agribusiness, education and housing sectors. Approaches to guarantee their positive effect on the value produced for the public in the various sectors are proposed. In transport projects, political responsibility by an intra-agency planning board of trustees accountable for contract building and shareholder commitment is required. In health projects, the choice of improving existing establishments is desirable over costly new establishments. In education to incorporate the most vulnerable and impeded communities is required. In energy ventures to meet social and environmental targets in the contract is required. In water projects, the capacity of the administrator to create benefits must be straightforwardly identified with performance. In housing projects relevant planning and execution guarantee high public value.
A distinctive feature of the manufacturing sector in Kenya is the co-existence of the modern sector alongside a rapidly expanding informal sector. While the formal sector comprises mainly small, medium, and large-scale enterprises (i.e., firms employing more than 100 workers), the informal sector consists of numerous open-air small and microscale productive activities in towns and rural trading centres, usually employing less than five workers. Traditional artisan production in the informal sector is dominated by small undertakings employing less than 5 workers. A large proportion of these firms’ output is directed towards satisfying needs of consumer goods and services domestically. These include items such as clothing, furniture, foodstuffs and motor vehicle repairs. While data on this sub-sector is not easy to come by, there is little doubt from casual empiricism that it is one of the fastest growing sectors, and a major source of employment in the country (Ikiara, 1991, Republic of Kenya, 2007). It is equally clear that this sector has little or no impact on Kenyan manufactured exports, due mainly to the low quality of their products.
The history of slave trade activities along the transatlantic seas and
coastlines were marked with coercion and intrigue from all the participants that were
involved in the game aiming to attain their diverse goals passing through horrors and
undergoing beyond the limit of human dignity with laws that guided the trade on
human beings. In the contemporary era we find all samples around the global linking
to the ill treatment of Aftricans by the former Western European slave dealers.